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(meaning "rigorously just") in their reports? A typical Coxe
missive is like a random walk through his fertile mind: history,
politics, finance, science, investment theory. He is not
afraid to use metaphor, humour or even poetry to make his
sharp and often-cutting observations. Coxe has noted on more
than one occasion that the Nasdaq Stock Market's headquarters
in Times Square are on the site of a former porn shop,
and "there is some question as to whether the ethical standards
of that corner improved."
His unique style is a byproduct of his atypical path to the
Street. He never went to business school. After graduating
from high school in Newmarket, Ontario, he studied English,
Latin and history at the University of Toronto, and later went
into law. This led, oddly enough, to journalism and the National
Review, the organ of American
conservatism (the connections
from which led, later on, to the
dinner with Thatcher).
The intellectual challenge of
journalism fit Coxe; the financial
rewards, not so much. "It
was a fabulous job to have, but
we couldn't raise a family in
New York on $9,000 a year."
Coxe chose to return to Toronto
with his family, where he
pursued a legal career but without
much enthusiasm. In the
early 1970s, he landed at Mutual
Life, writing speeches, among
other duties. Before long, however,
he had worked his way into
its investment unit, and became
known for dispensing his views
in a colourful manner. During
the inflation-wracked 1970s,
he'd tell clients that the right
amount of time to hold longterm
bonds was "the amount
of time you hold a hand grenade
after you've pulled the
pin." He joined Nesbitt Thomson,
which later became BMO
Nesbitt Burns, in 1992.
The historian in him never faded, and neither did the writer.
When he wasn't penning his lengthy strategy reports (which
he says he will still be writing bimonthly), he was pronouncing
his views to a wider audience in The Globe and Mail, the
National Post, Maclean's and elsewhere.
Like all strategists, Coxe got some predictions badly wrong.
His bullish calls on gold in the early and mid-1990s were duds.
For a time, he was an alarmist about the Y2K problem, writing:
"Wouldn't it be fascinating if the once-in-a-millennium
crisis came because creditors were unready for Y2K?" Other
predictions he got dead-right. He warned at the end of 1997
that the Asian crisis was far from over, which it wasn't. He
raised a skeptical eye at the absurd valuations on many technology
companies in 1999 and 2000, and was right.
But it was his early, prescient call on commodities that
cemented his reputation. Coxe says he turned bullish immediately
after 9/11. He was pulling together a book titled The
New Reality of Wall Street. The technology story was over; the
media and telecom bubble had burst. In the late 1990s, America
was coming down from the zenith of its economic power.
Where would the action be? Coxe had noticed something
about the world's two most populous countries, China and
India. Changing times and, in India, changing governments
had not budged either nation's commitment to joining the
modern economic world. "This," says Coxe with typical flourish,
"will be the greatest simultaneous efflorescence of personal
economic liberty in human history."
What on earth does that mean? "I define that as people who
move into dwellings with indoor plumbing, electricity, basic
appliances, and [who] acquire
personal motorized transportation.
If you've got those things,
you've got more personal freedom
than 99% of the people
who've ever lived." In other
words, Coxe foresaw that the
urbanization and accelerating
industrialization of China and
India would lift tens of millions
to a better standard of living,
which would increase their
consumption on a massive scale.
More cars mean more oil and
steel; new houses and apartments
require copper and steel
and cement; office buildings
and factories use tonnes of metals
of all types. In 2001, China's
rapid growth was a known
fact, but not yet widely discussed
or debated in the North
American press or on Wall
Street. Thus it met one of the
most important rules of Coxeism:
"You should not invest
in a story that's on page 1. Invest
in the one that's on page
16 on its way to page 1."
By the middle of the decade,
oil and mining bulls were as easy to find as believers in the
so-called Chindia thesis. But Coxe took it further, calling for
a huge spike in the value of grains and other food.
Coxe's prediction of a farm boom offers insight into how
his brain works. It was a conclusion he arrived at not by examining
spreadsheets but through a mixture of personal observation
and science. Coxe's father was born in a mission in
India, and in early 2006, Coxe went back to retrace his ancestral
roots. "I spent my time in the villages," he recalls, "and
from that, I got the sense of the real revolution that was going
on in India." Coxe saw first-hand that as poor Indians became
more prosperous, they spent their extra income on, among
other things, a better diet. "I came back and I said, 'The big
commodity story now is going to be food and agriculture.' "
By early 2008, with prices for most basic foodstuffs up sharply,
the words "food crisis" had moved their way from page 16 to
page 1. And even though all of those commodities subsequently
dropped, he is every bit as convinced he is still correct, because
of the latest data on sunspots.
Yes, sunspots. A few words of explanation are required at
this point. Coxe believes that theories of man-made global
warming are, to be polite about it, a crock. The climate's natural
swings are much greater than we think, and on this point, the
man can cite trivia almost endlessly. (Coxe, a long-time friend
says, has an eternal fascination with weather patterns.) "At the
time of the Norman conquest in Britain [around 1066], the
Vikings were growing grapes in Greenland," he says. Later, the
Earth went through an extended cool period, so that by the
late 1700s, "it's recorded that people went from Manhattan to
Staten Island on horse and carriage" across the winter ice.
Coxe believes the data show sunspot activity is responsible
for these changes. And since sunspot activity has recently been
lower than expected, Coxe thinks it's possible we'll soon be
fretting about global cooling. Buy Monsanto. Buy other agriculture
stocks. If you have the stomach to play the futures
market, buy grain futures. "We're going to have probably the
worst food crisis on record," Coxe says.
It is a fascinating theory-one that goes against the conventional
thinking in scientific and political circles. But then,
Coxe is full of fascinating theories. He is surely the only stock
market guru in North America who can speak with authority
about Galileo's early records of solar activity, or Mount Pinatubo's
effect on the global temperature. One Canadian portfolio
manager says that Coxe is a terrific lunch or dinner
companion, a gentleman, and a skilled raconteur. This person
loves meeting with Coxe whenever the two are in the
same city.
But, adds the manager, "He drove people off a cliff here."
There's no doubt: Investors who followed Coxe's advice made
a lot of money for five or six years, but gave much of it back
in the latter half of 2008. How did he fumble it? "What you
had was the sharpest sustained drop in commodities in history,
and we didn't have a global depression," says Coxe.
Coxe says he underestimated the role of the hedge funds.
He knew that many of them had gone long on commodities
and short on financial stocks-that was rather obvious, and
amplified the sharp rise in commodity prices in 2007 and the
first half of 2008. What he didn't realize, or fully appreciate,
was how many billions of dollars of those bets were made on
borrowed money. Since commodities futures themselves are
a leveraged investment, the result was a series of bets in which
leverage was piled on top of leverage. The whole edifice came
tumbling down during the summer, as hedge fund losses began
to pile up and the margin calls came pouring in.
"None of us, or nobody I talked to, thought that much of it
was hedge funds that were leveraged 30 or 40 or 50 to 1," says
Coxe. Does he wish he'd figured it out? "You bet. But I don't
know how I could have gotten that information." As for how
the slide began, Coxe has become something of a conspiracy
theorist. He believes that the Fed, with some help, engineered
the commodity correction to try to bring hedge funds to their
knees, forcing them to cover their short positions in financial
shares and thus driving those shares up to the point where
banks could raise new capital that they desperately needed.
"Although it wiped out 40% of my net worth temporarily,
I believe they did the right thing. In order to save the banking
system, they had to kill the commodities."
The theory has a nice ring to it, and there may even be some
truth to it, and yet it also seems a bit too convenient. (And if
the point was to help the banks, it didn't work so well, judging
by the seismic upheaval in the global banking system in
September and October.)
The focus on the machinations of traders and fund managers
glosses over another truth: Coxe and other oil bulls failed
to foresee how quickly things would change on the ground.
Take oil: At the start of last year, the International Energy
Agency forecast that oil demand would grow by a brisk two
million barrels a day. By December, the IEA said 2008 would
be the first year since 1983 in which demand fell. Meanwhile,
copper is piling up in warehouses at a level not seen in years.
"I don't know how you could miss that," says Paul Gardner,
a portfolio manager at Avenue Investment Management in
Toronto. He's a long-time Coxe fan, but is nonetheless perplexed
by what he sees as a gap in logic exhibited by Coxe
and such others as Eric Sprott: If you're bearish on the economy,
how could you think that commodities will just keep
going up? "You have to lose some of your shine because of
that," says Gardner. "You're putting all your chips on China
and India, and do you really trust the numbers there?"
What Coxe trusts is his own eyes. He recently got back from
another trip to India-in fact, he stayed at Mumbai's famous
Taj Mahal Hotel, and departed just five days before terrorists
attacked it in India's version of 9/11. While in the city, he visited
Mumbai's central train station, to people-watch. "They
look so much healthier than they did a few years ago," he says.
"I cannot give you qualitative data. I look at the people's bodies."
He is as convinced as ever that China and India will be
the world's great economic powers by the middle of this century,
that the standard of living of their people will grow, and
that the next great investment is food. "I haven't lost my enthusiasm
for the belief that if there's a world tomorrow, it's going
to be a world that needs more commodities, and that this still
is the overarching theme of our time...the opportunities for
investors are going to be really marvellous."
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